The President and the Miners

Chilean president enjoys his moment in the spotlight after rescuing ‘the 33’. But beneath the media coverage he is in danger of burying some more complex issues.
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On August the 5th this year, in the Atacama region of northern Chile, the San José mine collapsed, leaving 33 men trapped 700 metres underground. At the time, the Chilean president Sebastián Piñera was in Bogotá attending the inauguration of his new Colombian counterpart, Juan Manual Santos. Piñera’s response was swift. ‘We have to do everything within our power, whatever is humanly possible to rescue them alive,’ he said. On the 7th of August, he returned to Chile and went straight to the mine to take charge of the rescue operation. The nation held its breath for two weeks whilst drilling specialists tried to locate the missing miners, not knowing whether the men were dead or alive.

 

On August 22nd, the miners were found alive. They sent a now famous note to the surface that read ‘Estamos bien en el refugio los 33’ (We are well in the shelter, the 33). Piñera flew to the mine directly from his father-in-law’s wake, and stood in front of the world’s media, holding the note aloft and smiling broadly. ‘Never have so few words brought such happiness to an entire nation,’ he said. The ensuing rescue effort involved specialists from NASA, drilling experts from several countries, Chilean navy officers with experience in submarines, not to mention a whole team of doctors and psychologists dedicated to keeping the trapped men healthy in body and mind. In total, the operation cost between ten and twenty million dollars.

 

At 12:14am on October 13th, the first miner was rescued. Piñera was at the mine head, wearing a white hard-hat and a reptilian smile. He enthusiastically embraced each miner as they emerged from the capsule, despite warnings from aides that the men’s behaviour might be erratic or unpredictable. ‘The soul of our country shows the best of itself in adverse times,’ he said. Tributes flooded in from all over the world. ‘I am sure everyone would like me on their behalf to send best wishes to the president and people of Chile as they celebrate the trapped miners coming to the surface,’ said British prime minister David Cameron. There were also tributes from Barack Obama and the Pope.

 

In the midst of all of this, Piñera looked not only like a man inspired, but also a man extremely pleased with himself. He had reason to be, having acted swiftly and efficiently, and having spared no expense. When the miners were located in August it was estimated it would take four months to rescue them – it took less than half that time. Chile has shone in the light of a story that displays both technological ingenuity and human grit. The issue has also allowed the conservative Piñera to establish himself as an international figure, on a continent which in recent years has become better known for its so-called ‘pink tide’ of leftist politicians.

 

Piñera did what was required of him. However, it would be naïve to think that his close involvement with the rescue effort was motivated by altruism. Piñera is a man acutely – even painfully - conscious of his own public profile. His administration spent more on public opinion polls during his first six months in office than the government of Michelle Bachelet, his predecessor, did during its first year. Piñera is still a relatively new president, having only taken over in March, and the jury is still out on his administration. His handling of the mine rescue is a clear attempt to ground his political reputation upon a genuine success story.

 

This is hardly surprising. For Piñera, the San José mine crisis was a golden opportunity, too good to miss. It is a classic human interest tale of survival against the odds, and has been compared in the press both to the failed Apollo 13 mission to the moon, and to the Andes flight disaster of 1972. Both of these stories were turned into successful Hollywood films, so don’t bet against a big-budget Yanqui adaptation of the San José mine story coming to a cinema near you in the future. But never mind Hollywood. The real life footage of the miners being reunited with their loved ones is moving enough.

 

And yet, besides the miners themselves, their families, and their friends, this issue touches nobody. Meanwhile, it has overshadowed something that affects a far greater number of Chileans: the recovery from the devastating 8.8 magnitude earthquake that shook the country at the end of February. Piñera was sworn in as president just two weeks after the earthquake, the largest in Chilean history and one of the largest on record. "We won't be the government of the earthquake, we'll be the government of reconstruction," he promised.

 

Yet residents from badly affected areas have argued that not enough has been done, and have criticised the government for a lack of urgency. In Curicó, there are families who were promised subsidies to rebuild their houses, who are still yet to see any government money. In the Maule region as a whole, it is estimated that around 8000 houses that need to be demolished will have to remain standing – at least for the time being – as the money that was set aside for the demolitions is not sufficient. In the next few weeks, demolition projects in Molina, San Javier, Curepto and Constitución will all be closed due to an apparent lack of resources.

 

For the people affected, this must hurt, because as the mine rescue proves, Chile is not short of cash. Piñera appropriated the rescue effort to push the image of Chile being a country in the ascendancy, and has talked recently of Chile joining the First World. As was widely predicted following the earthquake, the economy has responded well, and is expected to grow 5.4% this year. All the more reason, then, that those Chileans still waiting for subsidies, still living with friends, or still in temporary housing, should be resettled as soon as possible. Yet, listening to Piñera’s recent discourse, it is almost as if the earthquake never happened.

 

On his European tour he presented all the foreign dignitaries with whom he met with a framed copy of the note the miners sent to the surface, and with rocks from the mine. Such gratuitous milking of this issue is making him look ridiculous. One person who recognises this is his own wife, Cecilia Morel. In London, as Piñera prepared yet again to unfold the note for a group of cameramen and photographers, she hissed at him ‘¡No lo muestres!’ (Don’t show it!). He ignored her, and the circus continues: this week he participated in a football match in the national stadium in Santiago between members of the government, and the miners. What was a genuinely affecting story is turning into farce.

 

When the earthquake struck, Bachelet estimated that the reconstruction process would take ‘at the very least the entire term of the next government.’ It would be unfair to condemn anyone for problems that remain, just eight months afterwards. However, Chile must not allow Piñera – a man still drunk on his success in the San José mine rescue – to become complacent, and to ignore the more complex and long-term issue of reconstruction. Once the miners had been found alive, it was very easy for Piñera to play the hero. Reconstruction will be the true test of his strength, and Chile will not forgive him if he sweeps it under the carpet.

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